Soldering soldiers: The Indian Army

Indian Army is a composite presence, covering the entire country, every village, town, region and religion

Update: 2014-05-13 02:34 GMT
BSF Jawans Marching on Independence Day Parade (Photo: DC file)

General elections 2014 turned out to be elections like no other, and if this is indeed what the practice of democracy has been reduced to in our country, then we should look forward to the future with some degree of trepidation. But right now the wait is to see what kind of a dispensation will take office in the country after this massive (and massively expensive) exercise in democracy. There are many question marks, some of them enormous, but hopefully they will all be answered come May 16.

However, what has been of particular concern this time around is the emergence of a particularly virulent type of rabble-rouser to whom no sacrilege is too egregious in the pursuit of votebank electoral advantage, even if it calls for deliberate disrespect of even the most highly respected institutions in the country. One amongst these is undoubtedly the Indian Army, which was targeted recently by one such street corner demagogue who is also (along with several others of his kind) a state-level government minister in a north Indian state (no prizes for guessing the state!). In a supremely vicious display of the lowest form of communal sentiment and disregard for all norms of propriety, this person attempted to besmear the Kargil War itself by reducing one of the Indian Army’s greatest achievements down to the level of the communal gutter he himself inhabits. That such an approach is not a flash in the pan, or limited to one particular instance was confirmed by the statement of another politician (this time from a metropolis in western India) — that members of a particular community who do not vote in favour of a particular “secular” party should have their collective DNA examined.

These comments were widely projected on the visual media, and the Election Commission did take note of them but, in the opinion of some, not proactively or strongly enough. The case of these two politicians (amongst others), notorious enough to begin with, must now be taken up strongly so that freedom of speech is not interpreted as liberty to blaspheme. No one, not even street politicians, have so far plunged into such depths of perversity as to cast aspersions on the totally impartial, secular image of the Army.

The Election Commission of India — yet another world-class institution every Indian is proud of — has done its best to civilise the electoral jamboree, but has not succeeded in doing so in every case. That the EC has incurred the wrath of both sides is a striking testimonial to its fairness. Meanwhile, the Indian Army soldiers on, loftily oblivious to the shrill political cacophony all around, though truth to tell, it has its own share of problems, wounds and injuries inflicted by some of its best and brightest who once marched in its ranks and attained its highest echelons. As the saying goes, it is enough to make an angel swear!

The Kargil War of 1999 (the fifth since Independence; the earlier conflicts that have been fought in the same general area were in 1947, 1965 and twice in 1971) is an epic which requires periodic recitation to a country whose sense of values and national pride seem to have entered a progressive downwards spiral. It was a war at very short notice, the military equivalent of a “come as you are” party, which the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force had to really scramble to attend. Anybody and anything who was immediately at hand was swept up and thrown in, to buy precious time for others to be inducted in a more organised manner. It worked, but the initial costs were high, paid for in blood by the youngest soldiers and officers.

Kargil 1999 ranks amongst the severest challenges faced by the country and the Indian Army since Independence, brought about by a combination of reasons which have been intensively discussed elsewhere already, and need not be further analysed here. Be that as it may, the Indian Army, personified by the Indian soldier, both jawans and their young officer leaders, stepped into the breach and retrieved the situation, though at grievous cost to the country’s best and brightest. And now, well over a decade later, the low-level politics sweeping the nation is attempting to exploit this very war for the worst type of divisive, sectarian interests.

Let it be clear that the credit for Kargil, whether in 1999 or its four earlier predecessors, belongs to the entire Indian Army whose participating units were composed of troops from Kashmir to Kanyakumari, speaking every language in the country, and professing every faith. Who is this Indian soldier, whether jawan or officer? They are a composite presence, covering the entire country, from every town and village, from every state and region, from every religion and ethnicity. They are neither Hindu nor Muslim, they are not Sikh nor Christian, or any other religious denomination. They are all of them.

The officer speaks to his jawans in their own languages, which may not be his own, and worships with them, even though it may not be his own personal faith. They speak every language in the country, but only one language at work. They are at home in every part of the nation even though it may be far from their own, and serve their country on every battlefield whether desert, high altitude or jungle, with courage, dedication and fortitude, whether in hot peace, insurgency or cold war. The Indian soldier is the complete and ultimate Indian.

Politics, even at its lowest and murkiest, is an essential feature of democracy. The Indian Army is apolitical and eternally vigilant against enemies — external, internal, as well as external-inspired. Let the people too join the soldiers in their vigil and stand guard against treachery by some political creatures whose loyalties, credentials and interests are none too clear at present.

The writer is a former Chief of Army Staff and a former member of Parliament

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