Vision vs action

In one of the interviews Prime Minister Narendra Modi granted to mark the first anniversary of his government, he said that his government would not discriminate on religion lines because he believed in the credo of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas”. The argument was that religious minorities need not be fearful of existence since he and his government were committed to follow non-discriminatory development policies.

The argument, to allay one of the biggest concerns since he assumed office, needs to be examined at an immediate level because Mr Modi is not claiming that upholding non-sectarian values is part of his core political belief but that stance is a “result” of state policy. At a deeper level, the argument necessitates exploration of the limits and expanse of “development” in Mr Modi’s worldview. Does Mr Modi mean only economic development of individual and society when he uses the D-word, or does it also indicate holistic development of the individual and growth of ideas and institutions of society?

“Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” is not a new slogan created either in the wake of Mr Modi’s nomination as Bharatiya Janata Party’s electoral mascot or a line of action declared after becoming Prime Minister. The slogan was the cornerstone of Mr Modi’s reinvention after winning the 2007 Assembly polls in Gujarat with the tag of “maut ka saudagar”, affixed on Mr Modi by Sonia Gandhi in an act of gross political misjudgment. Since 2002, Mr Modi was aware of the limits of aggressive Hindutva as both electoral tool and governance strategy. Despite partial success with reviving investment in the state, which saw a huge dip in the wake of the 2002 riots, Gujarat was not perceived as an economic miracle in the run up to the 2007 Assembly elections. Consequently, the Modi campaign was wobbly but this received unexpected fillip after the Gandhi faux pas.

The concept of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” as Mr Modi’s governing philosophy began to be propounded in 2010 in a concerted manner. Efforts in this direction gathered ground after Mr Modi began his bid for moving to the Centre. If one goes back to his statements and speeches during the Sadbhavana programme of September 2011, one can discern a heavy dose of the slogan. At that time, the assessment of the majority in the media was that the programme was launched to squeeze out Lal Krishna Advani’s programme as part of the battle for leadership within the BJP. A few, however, read Mr Modi’s programme made controversial by his infamous refusal of the skull cap offered by a Muslim cleric, as a start of his chief ministerial campaign for polls that were held as scheduled in November-December 2012.

In hindsight however, the Sadbhavana programme and repeated mention of his development policy appears to have been a strategic ploy of a leader who had begun playing for bigger stakes while holding cards of smaller values. The slogan was a ploy to erase a facet of
Mr Modi’s political persona, and for all accounts remains one even now. Because the slogan was only the state government’s policy, it became an integral part of the Modi campaign and BJP manifesto.

When I was researching on Mr Modi’s biography, he referred to his concept in an oblique manner when I asked him that because there was no escaping the fact that because nearly 10 per cent of people in Gujarat were Muslims, he would necessarily have to have an “approach” towards them. What he said was somewhat like this — “previously I used to say five crore Gujaratis and now after the 2011 Census I say, six crore of them. I am committed to the welfare of all of them. This should answer your question.”

I asked further regarding the hurt and loss of 2002 and Mr Modi said that his government had provided the best rehabilitation package. When queried about emotional loss, Mr Modi said this was staying on because vested interest groups were not allowing emotions to heal. Once these forces could be reined, all sense of hurt and loss would fade. It is worth wondering if Mr Modi feels the same way even today. The sense of insecurity among religious minorities today is grossly exaggerated and exists because people inimical to his politics are fostering insecurity and fear.

In the past year, ever since the so-called fringe element within his political fraternity stirred passions among Hindus by a series of provocative statements and programmes ranging from “ghar wapsi” to beef ban, Mr Modi did not demonstrate a political belief different from those who propagated these programmes. Till he belatedly reaffirmed his constitutional obligation after being politely chided by the American President, Barack Obama, Mr Modi had not even stated that his government was opposed to religious discrimination. In the past few months, Mr Modi has reiterated his commitment to upholding rule of law but has not indicated what he proposed to do at instances of violations. More worrisome is the limited understanding of what construes overall development.

Mr Modi’s view of development is at little variance with that of his corporate supporters. From a time when Jawaharlal Nehru referred to major infrastructure projects as temples of modern India, in Mr Modi’s worldview, today’s temples of developments are those that multiply wealth. It is true that wealth is required for personal well-being and improving living standards. But beyond this, society and individuals require spiritual and cultural development.

To address this, grievances of people living on the margins of society have to be redressed. Development of the nation cannot be evaluated only on the basis of rising gross domestic product and performance of stock markets. All-round development of society must mean that existing institutions should flourish and new ones are established. For a country to take pride in itself, critical spaces should be further developed because debates, at the least, enable formulation of better development strategies. For “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” to have true meaning, democracy has to be nurtured, and this is best done by first securing minorities and those living on the margins of society.

The writer is the author of Narendra Modi: The Man, the Times