Bihar: Money, religion and a skewed vision

As the Bihar election draws nearer, there are some reports from the ground level that are a matter of deep concern. Firstly, there is considerable evidence that the Bharatiya Janata Party-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh cadres, and their affiliated wings, are resorting to their favourite trick: rampant communal polarisation. Secondly, money power appears to be used with impunity and a new blatancy. If these reports are true — and reports from all across Bihar certainly seem to suggest this —  then the Election Commission, an impeccably impartial body, should investigate them and take special counter measures with punitive action against offenders.

Bihar is a microcosm of the plural and composite culture of India, and has been so for centuries. This is not a theoretical construct. It is visible and evident. Gurudwara Patna Sahib, where Guru Gobind Singh was born in 1666, and which was also visited by Guru Nanak, is located in the capital of the state and is one of the holiest shrines of the Sikhs. Just a little away from Patna is the Bihar Sharif dargah, a shrine for Muslims and Sufis next in importance only to Ajmer Sharif. Not far away is Pawapuri, where Mahavira left his mortal body. It is arguably the most holy place for Jains. A short drive from there is Bodh Gaya, undoubtedly the holiest destination for Buddhists. And, adjoining Bodh Gaya is Gaya, which millions of Hindus visit to pray for the salvation of their ancestors.

Apart from a few ugly incidents, the people of Bihar have lived amicably and peacefully with each other, their sense of Bihari identity transcending differences of faith. But we are now faced with a situation where a policy of deliberately stoking religious hatred is being cynically played out. The aim of this policy appears to be transparent: create a division among voters on the basis of faith in order to expand the BJP’s limited electoral vote base. The techniques to achieve this objective are, as per reports, despicable.

Trained cadres will deliberately mutilate a Hindu deity and blame another community for this desecration. If a particular community has a religious festival, the same cadres will use loudspeakers very near the celebration to blare out blatantly communal songs invoking loyalties to Pakistan. Instead of a campaign on issues, and what can be done for the people of Bihar, the planned attempt is to use voters as cannon fodder by means of a vicious campaign of hatred.

Such provocations are often difficult to book under the law. But when a clearly discernible pattern of such and even graver provocations begins to emerge throughout the state, the law and the EC need to take cognisance. Equally, the people of Bihar need to be vigilant. Communal tension by “strategic” manipulators is harmful to their interests for at least three fundamental reasons. Firstly, it endangers their lives and limb. Their safety and well-being is threatened while the real puppeteers sit in cynical comfort far away. Secondly, the malevolent legacy of such tensions lingers long after the elections. Entire communities, which have lived in peace and harmony, get caught in a continuing web of acrimony and mistrust that seriously diminishes the quality of their lives.

For instance, the Muzaffarnagar riots in Uttar Pradesh on the pretext of “love jihad” has created a near-permanent rift between the Jats and the Muslims who for centuries had lived peaceably together, participating in each others’ festivals, joys and grief. Thirdly, the deliberate creation of non-existent divisions in society on grounds of religion takes the focus away from the real issues of economic development and progress. Resorting to such methods shows a bankruptcy in terms of a vision for Bihar. On the other hand, it certainly displays the depths to which political forces can stoop simply for the possibility of short-term electoral benefit.

It is not an uncommon observation that no political party today can match the BJP’s money power. This was amply in evidence during the last parliamentary elections, and continues to be visible in the state elections that have followed. In my view, there is a direct co-relation between crony capitalism, where a few corporate houses benefit disproportionately, while the rest of the people languish, and, electoral malpractice relating to money power. The EC must make a special effort to prevent the use of money to buy votes.

Apart from the EC’s vigilance, the only hope is that voters, when they have made up their mind otherwise, cannot be bought. They may take the money, and other kinds of material sops, but will vote according to what they consider to be in their best interests. This has been vividly demonstrated in Tamil Nadu in the past, and more recently, in the Delhi Assembly elections. Survey after survey has shown that Nitish Kumar is by far the first choice for chief minister among the voters of Bihar. In the last poll held, for the first time, his popularity on a national scale was higher than Narendra Modi’s.

Mr Kumar has given categorical instructions to the police and administration to prevent communal incidents, and is keeping a constant vigil in the matter. His strength is also that the voters of Bihar know what is good for them. The development that has transformed Bihar in the last several years under his leadership is both visible and verifiable, and has touched the lives of the poorest of the poor. The people of Bihar want this story of development to continue. The BJP has seen the writing on the wall. That is why, perhaps, it is resorting to such underhand tactics on a scale even greater than before. Elections in the world’s largest democracy must be held on a level-playing field and according to rule of law. It is our fervent hope that the EC will, as in the past, take firm action against those who have a planned strategy to break the law.

Author-diplomat Pavan K. Varma is a Rajya Sabha member