Disruption, a legitimate Parliamentary strategy?

Following the victory of the BJP with an absolute majority under the leadership of Narendra Modi in mid-2014, even his critics expected strong, corruption-free and efficient administration, fast economic reforms and development. While arguably there were initiatives taken during the last year that were progressive, the last few weeks have been confusing and disappointing.

The corporate world points to recent achievements, which they feel will fuel ‘green shoots’ of recovery: the signing of the delayed TAPI pipeline agreement; a virtually interest-free loan of $12 billion announced by the visiting Japanese PM Shinzo Abe for constructing a bullet train to connect Ahmedabad and Mumbai; and GE and Alstom agreeing to build two railway locomotive manufacturing plants in Bihar. These are undoubtedly achievements that have the capacity to improve the economy and together with some important foreign policy initiatives in Europe and South Asia, constitute successes of the Modi government.

However, on the ground for the common man education and healthcare remain negligible, unemployment continues, decline of agriculture has not been addressed witnessed in farmers suicides over the last one month in one of the poorest districts of Nabrangpurand elsewhere,  reflecting continuing rural poverty. In terms of governance, power is concentrated in the PMO with few other ministers apart from Arun Jaitley and some senior bureaucrats being involved in decision-making. In sum, little effectual change is visible in policy making and implementation from the period of the UPA-II despite Modi’s shrill criticism of the Congress and promises of good governance.

In the political field, the defeat in the Bihar elections and perhaps return of awards by eminent Indians, has toned down attacks on minorities and ‘intolerant’ statements on beef and Indian culture by some members of the BJP. The PM addressed these grave issues after a prolonged period of silence and on foreign trips where he merely mentioned the need fr inclusiveness and tolerance.

Against this backdrop in the last few weeks some undesirable developments stand out. First, the raid conducted by the CBI without warning on CM Arvind Kejriwal’s office. The AAP insisted that the CM’s office was raided but the CBI and the BJP leadership has clarified that it was investigating his personal secretary Rajendra Kumar for corruption. Whatever the fact, the raid gives credence to the popular perception that the CBI is used by the government in power against opposition party leaders and Modi has proved to be no different in destroying the legitimacy of the organisation.

Since the AAP defeated the BJP in the Delhi elections last year, there have been battles between the two parties over the powers of the lieutenant governor, control of Delhi police, food prices etc. But, what stands out in this episode is the extraordinarily uncivil behaviour and terrible name calling by Kejriwal against the PM and other BJP leaders and their response which constitutes a new low in political behaviour. Similarly, in Arunachal Pradesh the unsavoury role of the governor in the competition between Congress and BJP has led to intervention by the high court for violation of the Constitution.

Equally important, is the stalling of Parliament by the Congress and other opposition parties preventing passage of seminal bills such as the Land Acquisition Bill and GST among others. This is happening because the BJP, while in opposition, did not allow the UPA-II to function and many pending bills were originally introduced by the former government. While there was some softening of attitudes after the Bihar debacle with the PM opening negotiations with Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh. The summoning of Sonia and Rahul Gandhi by the courts in the National Herald case has unfortunately led to further disruption and finished all hope of Parliament functioning. The deeper lying reasons for such developments are institutional breakdown and internal decay of political parties with serious implications for our democracy. With the BJP gaining an absolute majority it was believed Parliament would function smoothly without violent disruptions. But, the malaise runs deeper.

Unlike in the Westminster system the Opposition in India — whichever party/parties it maybe composed of — has not learnt to function in a ‘responsible’ manner or imbibed the values, conventions and rules on which a Parliamentary system should function. It is noteworthy that a senior BJP leader during the UPA-II period described disruption as legitimate Parliamentary strategy. Politics of vendetta and not development permeates politics. Simulta-neously, parties have become dynastic organisations held together by a desire for power with high degree of factionalism and lack of democratic accountability, reflective of low level of institutionalisation. Trust between ruling and Opposition parties, essential for legislative functioning, has broken down contributing to the impasse. A visibly upset Chairperson of the Rajya Sabha has asked members to frame stronger rules to punish those who disturb the House.

These negative features are worrying and do not augur well for our democracy. They are responsible for the type of politics we are witnessing today. Urgent reform of Parliamentary institutions to ensure responsible legislative functioning together with internal reorganisation of political parties to ensure political accountability is required.

The writer is a former rector and professor at the Centre for Political Studies, JNU

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