Can Modi challenge the orthodoxy of Sangh?
Mr Modi himself has waxed eloquent on planes flying in ancient India.
The BJP’s birthday bash after two years of rule of the party-led government at the Centre had an underlying theme: the “Xiification” of Prime Minister Modi. The personality cult honed by China’s President Xi Jinping was in full flow and Mr Modi’s ministers and supporters sought journalists to broadcast their achievements, with the principal then appearing after Bollywood actors had done their bit interspersed by the sound and dance routine against the backdrop of India Gate. And Mr Modi used the occasion to attack the Congress.
The country has become used to the use of modern technology so effectively employed by Mr Modi during the 2014 general election campaign. But this was more in the nature of a coronation, with the bearded visage dominating lavish advertisements in the national and regional press and private television channels portraying the presiding deity as the centre of all government programmes. Both India Gate — remember Mr Modi’s inauguration of the World Yoga Day last year — and reverential references to the PM by his ministers were essential features of the theme.
Coming as the second anniversary did after BJP’s election victory in the Assam Assembly election and breaking ground in Kerala, it was something of a double celebration. But the projection of Mr Modi as the leader with a magic charm was unmistakable. As has now become customary, the PM is no respecter of norms and lustily campaigns for his party in Assembly elections.
As Mr Modi faces three years of his remaining term, how do the pluses and minuses stack up? Undoubtedly, after the lacklustre last years of the UPA, the BJP leader has given a new direction and thrust. The last PM, Dr Manmohan Singh, was hobbled by the dual-key arrangement at the top — the other, perhaps main, key was with Congress president Sonia Gandhi — but was also forced to tolerate dubious ministers of his allies. Although the UPA government was able to initiate major initiatives like the Aadhaar, the minimum work scheme and other support programmes for the poor and the landmark nuclear agreement with the US, a series of scams got the better of it.
It was Mr Modi’s good luck that he took office at a time the world’s oil prices were falling giving India a shot in the arm. Besides, his NDA government demonstrated that it would try unorthodox policies if necessary to achieve fast development. He had some success in cutting out deadwood and launching new schemes. Notably, he was viewed as his own boss.
On the debit side, two themes have consistently hung around the NDA’s neck. the centrality of the RSS relationship with the BJP and the Hindutva agenda, often expressed in trivialities such as directing individuals’ eating habits and forcing them to chant a particular nationalism formula.
The mentor status of the RSS is well known. Many of the principals and party functionaries are primarily RSS men and women. Nor is it a secret that the RSS’ goal is to create Hindutva. The problem arises in two forms.
After India’s experiment in secularism led by the Congress and movement for 60-plus years in Independent India, imposing the idea of a Hindu India flies in the face of the country’s mixed population compromising 14 per cent Muslims and other minorities like Sikhs and Christians. The second problem is the rewriting of history with the goal of elevating ancient India as the great age of civilisation and learning not only in segments of Hindu rule, but by obliterating the period of Muslim rule although tolerating two centuries of British rule.
It is a rule that most ideologues lack a sense of humour. Mr Modi himself has waxed eloquent on planes flying in ancient India and head transplants being a common practice. Therefore, it is not so absurd for his supporters to brandish their Hinduness in the face of the minorities.
The divisive nature of this discourse is plain to see. Add to it is the ambiguity of Mr Modi’s own beliefs. How far is he prepared to challenge his mentor in pursuing pragmatic policies?
For instance, he has had no problem in bestowing the education and human development portfolio to Smriti Irani, a school leaver, because the RSS’ priority is to mould the minds of the young. We have had many pearls of wisdom from her in the direction of taking education to new, paths.
As Mr Modi has made it clear through his forays in campaigning, he is a street fighter. But his Opposition-bashing rhetoric sits ill with the task of governing. Was it appropriate that he should celebrate two years in office by going after the Congress, which is facing its own crisis? Sometimes, it would seem that he forgets that he is the leader of the country, rather than merely a party.
The disadvantage of building a personality cult is that he can bask in glory if things go right, but he would have to bear the largest share of blame if things go wrong. If his ministers and supporters raise him to the level of a demi-god, they might be seeking to cash in on his patronage but are doing harm to the country. We are humans, not celestial beings.