The International Fleet Review that begins today in Visakhapatnam, is a mega maritime event that will bring together 54 nations. The theme of the IFR is “United through Oceans”.
Traditionally, fleet reviews are held periodically for the head of state to review the naval capability of the nation and, while being visibly ceremonial, it has multiple relevance that spans the political, diplomatic and military strands.
Of recent vintage, an IFR is multi-national and the host nation subtly conveys a message that seeks to establish its credibility in the maritime domain that will reassure friends and allies, even while signalling the contours of a latent military deterrence index that professional peers will interpret in an appropriate manner.
The maritime domain acquires its relevance primarily for the seamless connectivity it provides to the global landmass that is separated by vast stretches of water. Consequently, facilitating maritime trade and commerce is a primary attribute of the oceans.
This geo-economic compulsion axiomatically extends into the security domain, wherein flag and trade are synergistically linked and the co-relation between the global hierarchy of power and a credible maritime profile is abiding.
Over the last 500 years, since the beginning of the colonial era, major powers have sought to maintain an effective naval presence in two of the three navigable oceans of the world (the Pacific, Atlantic and Indian) either on their own or as part of an alliance.
The colonisation of Asian and African nations may be ascribed to their inability to comprehend and acquire the sinews of appropriate naval power and India is no exception.
This inadequacy is also related to the distinctive political and strategic culture of non-European nations who were more insular and inward looking and either unable or unwilling to internalise the criticality of trans-border maritime military capability.
Former prime minister Atal Behari Vajpayee outlined a “sagar-mala” vision that promised to transform India’s maritime infrastructure, but it was killed by a lethargic bureaucracy.
The maritime domain was not prioritised in any sustained manner by the UPA and some promising initiatives were indifferently pursued.
Signalling a welcome departure from his predecessors, Prime Minister Modi has accorded visible priority to India’s maritime potential and this is reflected in his numerous references and assertions apropos “SAGAR” — which is the innovative acronym for “security and growth for all in the region”.
Are these the “green shoots” of a comprehensive maritime orientation at last?
Paradoxically, the Indian Navy will remain the Cinderella service for the foreseeable future by way of its size and funding.
India has a skewed military composition wherein the Army, Air Force, Navy ratio by way of personnel is 20:2:1 and the budgetary allocation for the Navy is a modest 16 per cent of the total defence outlay.
Yet, the Indian Navy has acquired a credible profile and has acquitted itself with aplomb when required. Assessing the effectiveness of a Navy is a complex metric and, more than tangible capability, what is equally relevant is the perspicacity and deftness with which the national political leadership is able to utilise naval power in the furtherance of the national interest.
The Indian response to the tsunami of December 2004, and the subsequent anti-piracy and evacuation operations are cases in point.
Nations invest in navies to protect their national interest and win wars if such an exigency arises. In the security domain, cooperation at sea is unlikely outside of a formal military alliance and India has eschewed such a choice.
However, cooperation and collective effort are desirable in pursuit of many other shared and collective objectives. The need to ensure the safety and stability of global maritime commons in a consensual manner is one such endeavour and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief is another.
India has consistently demonstrated its ability to be a net security provider at sea as well as a source of maritime assistance.
Engaging with Indian Ocean littoral nations to maximise the opportunities of the maritime domain through improved sea-borne connectivity to enhance trade and commerce and burnishing prosperity, is a SAGAR objective, in as much as harnessing the many possibilities of the “blue revolution” — the ability to harvest the vast potential of the ocean. These are normative objectives that all IFR participants share.
