The homogeneity of the Hindutva platform runs the risk of a Bihar-repeat with the dharma shastras of Manusmriti threatening the electoral algebra of the saffron brigade with the replay of the varna theory. The coming elections in Uttar Pradesh (with 21 per cent of the country’s dalit population), Punjab (having the highest percentage of dalits in the population, at 31 per cent) and other states like Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa have upped the ante on dalit politics that can upset the carefully crafted party positions on appealing to the sizeable dalit populace. However, the optics of public flogging of dalit youth in the cradle of Hindutva experiment (Gujarat) has exposed the inherent fault lines in the composite force-fit of a singular Hindu identity. Certain puritanical tenets of the Sangh Parivar’s “brahmanical” approach have often posited the dalit identity and existence at the opposite end of the fractious identity debate.
With the advent of modernity, participative democracy led to the churning of societal stratification — the dalit assertion was initially triggered by E.V. Ramasamy (Periyar). While EVR’s invocation was essentially around self-respect and anti-Brahmanism, the “Mandalisation” of the early 1990s and the emergence of Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party has carved a unique dalit dynamic in electoral terms. The heightened sensitivity and the desire to look responsive towards dalit sentiments was highlighted in the quick damage-control exercise of sacking Daya Shankar Singh, vice-president of BJP’s UP unit. Mr Singh made the highly objectionable and character-shaming remarks about BSP supremo Mayawati. Even the timely rebuke to the gau rakshaks by the Prime Minister is a testimony to the gravity of the ongoing polarisation within the “Hindu” electorate that can force an en bloc traction of the dalit vote against the BJP.
An untimely and “costly” comment attributed to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in the run-up to the Bihar Assembly elections, suggesting a review of reservations, led to an immediate seizure of the same by leaders of the “grand alliance” to suggest the BJP’s aversion to reservations, hence anti-dalit credentials. Clarifications to the contrary were lost in the melee of accusations and counter-accusations, while the lurking fear of dalits in anchoring their electoral trust was wounded. Addressing his party’s core group of representatives from all 29 states and seven Union territories, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said: “Rashtravadi toh hamare saath hain, humein dalit aur pichchde ko saath lana hai (The nationalists are with us, we need to bring dalits and backwards).” The cow vigilante groups and the accompanying societal dynamics are deep rooted, even counter-protest by dalits in Gujarat to stop clearing carcasses as a mark of protest has led to a reverse scuffle, with the thrashing of two dalit men in the Saurashtra region who refused to dispose the carcass of a calf.
For any religious nationalism to succeed, all perceived elements, constituents and rituals of the religion must be aligned. However, fault lines of diversity and rejection of sub-sect supremacy often leads to dissensions and non-acceptance. The sectarian violence within Islam is reflective of the inherent pluralism and divide within the larger Islamic identity, which is akin to the divides in Hinduism. The assemblage of priorities within a religious definition are not shared — cow vigilantism is seen as a preserve, priority and potent symbol of “upper castes”, with the dalits retaliating with” “If she is your mother, you bury her”.
After the emotive Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid peak of the 1990s, the BJP has toned down its religio-centricity and has dialled its “religio-nationalism”, that is more external than internal. However, for economically and socially struggling dalits and tribals this has limited traction. The more pressing needs of finding a “voice” was echoed in Rohith Vemula’s suicide note: “The value of a man was reduced to his immediate identity and nearest possibility. To a vote. To a number. To a thing. Never was a man treated as a mind. As a glorious thing made up of stardust. In very field, in studies, in streets, in politics, and in dying and living”. Clearly, the ruling ideology was not able to subsume the prevailing angst and ire amongst dalits, the “brahmanical” Hindutva appeal is fractured with discrimination and bigotry.
The dalit outreach initiative of the BJP is clearly on the backfoot, with the earlier scare of the exodus of senior leadership from the BSP (principally into the BJP) behind Mayawati. Today, Mayawati is connecting the dots of societal flare-ups across the country to posit her individual personality and credentials of championing dalit rights singularly. Second, the absence of any senior dalit leader in the BJP with pan-India appeal is telling. Not since Bangaru Laxman (president of the BJP from 2000 to 2001, subsequently convicted of corruption), has the BJP been able to position dalits in top leadership positions. It is a delicate balance of retaining its “upper caste” constituents while dealing with its “anti-dalit” perceptions. Realising the gravity of “anti-dalit” perceptions, Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated: “Over 80 per cent of BJP workers are SC, ST and OBCs, yet Opposition parties have tried to create misconceptions about the party through concerted campaigns”.
Besides the BSP, even mainstream parties like the Congress and AAP with a stake in the coming Assembly elections have been quick to drive a wedge in the inherent faultlines of the saffron call to a Hindutva connect. The BJP managed dalit dynamics rather well in the last general election — from one in 10 votes in the 1990s, it went up to one in every four dalit votes in 2014, surpassing both the Congress and BSP. Smart pre-election alliances with Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP, Ramdas Athavale’s RPI and induction of people like Udit Raj helped, besides the Narendra Modi wave, specially amongst the upwardly mobile sections, had built a certain dalit hope and trust that transcended narrow caste lines. Today the formula has come asunder and the inherent and regressive instincts have reared their head to drive a wedge between the “haves” and the “have-nots”, who are again wary of the dalit dream that is promised, in the backdrop of all that is happening across the country.
