Intolerance for the wretched

The incidents in Gujarat’s Una and similar atrocities against dalits have sharply brought into focus the BJP-RSS’ divisive worldview and exposed its narrow bigoted version of “Hindutva”. Tired of persecuting minorities, it now trains its gun towards dalits, the marginalised lower castes who have suffered millennia of oppression, living on the fringes of an upper caste brahmanical social order. We see a pattern in the ideological narrative of the ruling party and its mentor, the RSS. It’s majority vs minority, high-caste cow vigilantism vs oppression of dalits, corporate vs farmers. Whether in the repromulgation of the land acquisition ordinance, or budget cuts for dalits and minorities, it is clear in these policies that this government stands only for the rich, and is truly a “suit-boot ki sarkar”.

A man lynched to death on the basis of a rumour that he has eaten beef, two cowherds murdered by hanging as they were suspected to be cow smugglers, disabled dalits kicked and urinated upon, dalits flogged in Gujarat and numerous such instances of brutalities against dalits under the garb of cow vigilantism have shaken the conscience of the nation. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s prolonged silence on this issue is more eloquent than his innumerable “Mann ki Baat” speeches. He finally condemned the attacks, but it was too late, and too little. Why hasn’t he sacked his minister for social justice and empowerment Thaawar Chand Gehlot for telling a national newspaper: “... These are all social organisations. It could be for gau raksha, it could be for eliminating social evils”. By trying to compare gau raksha dals to social organisations “for eliminating social evils”, Mr Gehlot is only legitimising their actions and methods of operation.

These incidents also draw attention to certain inherent contradictions and discrimination in the caste system in the structural arrangement of Hindu society. While Hindu philosophy propounds the values of an inclusive, all-encompassing universalism, the importance of caste as the basis of social stratification in Hindu society negates these values. The famous Purusha Sukta in the 10th Mandala of the Rig Veda implies the unity of the creator with its creation, thus sowing the seeds of Monoism, that was later expanded in the Upanishads. Monoism is, perhaps, the most egalitarian philosophy that speaks of the oneness of all. In the same Purusha Sukta we find the first pointer to Chaturvarna, which later evolved as the caste system, which said Brahmins were created from the head of the creator, Kshatriyas from the arms, Vaishyas from the chest and Shudras from the feet, thus forming the genesis of a discriminatory social order.

The makers of our Constitution not only tried to address this issue of inherent social discrimination, they also made it binding upon the State to adopt affirmative action. One has to bear in mind that centuries of apathy and discrimination against lower castes can’t be understood or addressed only through economic parameters. It involves social justice. In post-Independent democratic India, caste assumed a new character other than its traditional socio-ritualistic identities. Through universal franchise, expanding education and economic base of marginalised sections, political awareness, affirmative action through the policies of the government, castes emerged as new constituencies for political mobilisation.

The politicisation of caste has been an instrument of empowerment, specially for lower castes, as they have found a legitimate means to exercise their collective power; making caste-based discrimination and atrocities a part of the national political discourse. This is anathema to a right-wing organisation like the RSS. The atrocities against dalits under the garb of cow vigilantism are nothing but the deep-rooted hatred of the BJP and RSS against anyone who falls beyond the pale of their intolerant dogmatic worldview. This worldview not only excludes other religions, but also a large section of Hindus at the bottom of the social ladder.

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s call to re-examine the policy on reservations reflects his deep-rooted prejudice against dalits and clearly shows his lack of appreciation that reservations are not just about economic empowerment, but also a tool to ensure social justice. Minister of state for external affairs V.K. Singh’s comment comparing dalit children burnt alive in BJP-ruled Haryana to dogs is not only condemnable but also utterly disgusting.  Former HRD minister Smriti Irani’s vicious handling of the dalit students’ group of the Ambedkar-Periyar study circle in IIT Madras and the Rohith Vemula suicide is too well known to be recalled.  In his earlier avatar as chief minister of Gujarat, at a function organised for the release of a book titled Samajik Samrasta, Mr Modi drew a parallel between dalits and “mentally retarded children”.

During his tenure as Gujarat CM, no meetings were held on SC/ST sub-plans for 10 years. There was a backlog of 27,900 SC/ST vacancies in Gujarat as Mr Modi demitted charge as chief minister to become Prime Minister of India. There was a drastic cut in budgetary allocations for Schedule Castes sub-plans and Scheduled Tribes sub-plans under the Modi government. It is an irony that while the BJP is trying to appropriate the legacy of B.R. Ambedkar, its very genesis is against the principles Ambedkar stood for. Gau raksha dals are not about protecting cows. If that was the case, where were they when thousands of cattle died during severe drought? Instead of murdering and thrashing poor, helpless people, why aren’t they taking care of more than 53 lakh stray cattle in India abandoned by their owners, and are slowly dying of starvation due to lack of fodder? Where were they when about 500 cows died of starvation and negligence in a government shelter in the BJP-ruled state of Rajasthan? Gau raksha dals are nothing but an army of the ruling party that it can let loose upon hapless dalits and minorities to intimidate and terrorise through the dictum of mobocracy.